Narrow-necked clay jars like these were ideal for storing water. The exterior surface of these water jars (chͻkoo in Nafaanra) has been textured by rolling a twisted cord-wrapped stick (jar on the left) or a maize cob (jar on the right) across the surface and otherwise decorated with shallow grooved lines. The narrow opening inhibits evaporation while the porous fired clay walls keep the water cool. Bondakile, 1994.
Rights:
Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial
Publisher:
University of Victoria Libraries
Location(s) Facet:
Bondakile
Subjects:
Water pots (chokoo); Jars; Twisted cord roulette; Maize cob roulette; Water storage
Potters in Adadiem make clay jars in a variety of sizes. Those pictured here have been fired, some treated with bark solution while still hot from the bonfire firing. Adadiem, 1994.
A woman sifts flour in the foreground as two women in the background pound maize (corn, bledju in Nafaanra) in wooden mortars. The women are sheltered from the sun by the thatched roof that covers this entrance to the house compound. View to the street beyond. Makala, July, 1994.
A potter completes decorations on a clay cooking pot (sro chͻ in Nafaanra). Another pot sits nearby, turned upside down. The lower bodies of the pots have been surface treated by rolling a maize cob (bledjukaan in Nafaanra) across the leather-dry surface of the clay jar. Shallow grooved lines have been etched over top. The clay jars are now ready to be fired. Dorbour, 1994.
A view of Makala's wide main street, standing at the west edge of town, looking eastward. A mango tree grows in the street at the far end of the street. Atakpame (coursed earthen-walled) houses with thatched roofs line the street. A single house with a metal roof is visible to the right of the mango tree. The streets and areas around houses are kept clear of plants. Makala, July, 1994.
A group of unfired clay pots to which red slip (chuma in Nafaanra) has been applied prior to firing. The string of Babobab tree seeds (foreground) is used to burnish the slip. By rubbing the dried slip vigorously with the seeds, the slip adheres to the surface and becomes shiny. To the right rear are several unfired clay eating bowls (kpokpoo in Nafaanra). Dorbour, 1994.
Ten clay cooking pots (sro chͻ in Nafaanra) have been placed upside down on a bed of firewood in preparation for a bonfire that will fire the clay pots. These pots have been red-slipped (chuma in Nafaanra) before firing. In the background is the bark that will be used to cover and surround the pottery before the bonfire is lit. Once lit, the fire burns for beween 30 minutes and an hour, after which the clay jars will be useable and ready for sale. Dorbour, 1994.
Exterior wall of a compound house covered by a thatched roof. The coursed earth (atakpame) wall was built in stages as rooms were added. An exterior roof support pole is visible to the left. A coconut palm, an unusual tree in this area of savanna woodland far from the coast, is visible in the background. Houses and surrounding streets are kept clear of grass and other plants. Makala, July 1994.
A potter uses a metal bracelet as a roulette to make shallow grooves on the leather-hard surface of a cooking pot (sro chͻ in Nafaanra). She rolls the bracelet across a surface that has been textured using a maize cob (bledjukaan in Nafaanra) roulette. Next she will make shallow grooves along the boundary between the smooth upper body of the jar and the maize cob-routletted lower areas. Dorbour, 1994.
Large stones, some used as grindstones, are placed about the corner of this courtyard. Groundnut (peanut, boŋgrɛ in Nafaanra) shells lay on the ground at the feet of a child. A carved wooden stool appears alongside stools made from sawed boards, the latter typical of those taken to school by children each day and those used by women as they sit hearth-side while cooking. Two calabash bowls (chrԑgbͻͻ in Nafaanra) sit nearby. Makala, July, 1994.
Akua Donkor, a Nafana potter, uses a rounded-edged tool to make shallow grooves on the upper body of a soup pot (chiin sinyjͻlͻ in Nafaanra). The clay pot has been allowed to dry to a leather-hard state before the decorations are applied. She has used a maize cob (bledjukaan in Nafaanra) as a roulette (roller) to surface treat the base of the clay pot. A single grooved line sets the maize cob rouletted zone from the smoothed surface above it. The woman wears bracelets that can double as tools for decorating pots. Dorbour, 1994.
A number of large and medium-sized clay jars have been placed upside down on a bed of fire wood in preparation for a bonfire firing. Several previously fired and broken clay pots together with large stones are used to bank the edges of the stacked firewood. More firewood is stacked behind the bonfire area. Adadiem, 1994.
A calabash bowl (chrԑgbͻͻ in Nafaanra) containing water rests on top of a small pedestaled clay bowl (kontoŋdԑԑ in Nafaanra) used in funeral celebrations. The clay bowl is used by women to present food to the ancestors (sro waa in Nafaanra). Calabash rattles used in funeral celebrations sit nearby, some next to a basket. Dorbour, 1994.
Small clay eating bowls like this one (kpokpoo in Nafaanra) were typically used by women. This one has been blackened after a fashion that became popular in the 20th century. Similar bowls are found on archaeological sites around the Banda area, though often with a flat, pedestaled base and seldom blackened. Dorbour, 1994.
Large, shallow blackened clay bowls with interior striations are used in cooking and for eating. Cooks use them together with a small double-sided wooden pestle to grind pepper and cooked vegetables like "garden eggs" (small eggplants) for soups. They are also used as men's eating bowls (pԑԑ in Nafaanra). Bowls with striated interiors are occasionally found on archaeological sites in the Banda area, but this particular blackened form was not common until the 20th century when it was introduced from areas to the south. Potters in the region began to produce the bowls for sale both locally and at regional markets and by the 1980s and 1990s, this one of the most popular pots made for market sale. Ahenkro, 1986.
Clay pots of this shape are used for cooking soup over a hearth fire. The relatively wide opening of soup pots (chiin sinyjͻlͻ in Nafaanra) makes it easy to add ingredients and stir the soup as it cooks. These soup pots are blackened, a fashion that took hold during the 20th century. Unblackened pots of similar shape are found on archaeological sites dating to the 19th century and earlier. Dorbour, 1994.
A metal headpan is loaded with clay pots ready to take to market. The darkened angular pots placed around the inside edges of the headpan are soup pots (chiin sinyjͻlͻ in Nafaanra) and the rounder shaped pots are for cooking starchy staples (sro chͻ in Nafaanra). Dorbour, 1994.
Afua Donkor, a Nafana potter, inspects clay jars of various shapes and sizes that await firing. The liquid red slip (chuma in Nafaanra) has been applied, allowed to dry and then burnished in prepartion for firing. Visible around the courtyard are wooden mortars, a pestle and a metal cooking pot. Thatch-roofed rooms surround the courtyard. Dorbour, 1994.
Sharply angled (carinated) clay pots like this one may have been used for storing liquids. Chipping around the rim of the pots suggest that this one may have been used for some time. Dorbour, 1994.
Large, shallow blackened clay bowls with interior striations are used in cooking and for eating. They are used together with a small double-sided wooden pestle to grind pepper and vegetables like "garden eggs" (small eggplants) when making soups. These bowls may also be used as men's eating bowls (pԑԑ in Nafaanra). Though archaeological sites occasionally have potsherds with striated interiors, this particular blackened bowl form was not common until the 20th century when it was introduced from areas to the south. Potters in the region began to produce the bowls for sale both locally and at regional markets. By the 1980s and 1990s, this was one of the most popular pots made for market sale. Ahenkro, 1986.
Peni Krah, a Nafana potter, sits on the ground and uses her left hand to turn the palette (kpankpa in Nafaanra) on which she has molded a clay soup pot (chiin sinyjͻlͻ in Nafaanra), smoothing its rim with a moist cloth held in her right hand. The headpan to her right contains moist clay. Dorbour, 1994.
Storing pots (jloŋgo in Nafaanra) like these were formerly used to store drinks like pito (sorghum beer) or wenyjͻ nyumu (water boiled in a pot after it has been used to make "TZ," a starchy staple). The one on the left has been blackened while that on the right may have been treated with a red slip (chuma in Nafaanra). Both are highly burnished, giving them a glossy look. Dorbour, 1994.
Fired, blackened clay grinding bowls are stacked (center). While hot from the fire, the bowls have been blackened by rolling them in dry grass or peanut (boŋgrɛ in Nafaanra) shells. To the right, a bonfire firing is in progress. The outside perimeter of the fire is banked with previously fired but broken jars. To the left, a large clay bowl contains a bark solution into which the pots are dipped while still hot from the fire. Behind that, another bonfire burns. To the right (back, center) pots have been stacked in preparation for another bonfire firing. The fashion of blackening grinding bowls began in the Banda area sometime during the 20th century. Adadiem, 1994.
These fired clay pots are specifically designed for water storage. The water jar (chͻkoo in Nafaanra) on the left was made in Adadiem and the one on the right was made by a potter in Dorbour. Unlike pottery intended for other uses, potters do not finish pots intended for water storage in a bark solution to seal and color the pot. Instead, the surface of water storage pots needs to be porous to effectively cool the water stored inside. The size of the water jar's mouth allows access to the water inside but also limits evaporation. The color of these pots is a result of firing conditions. Dorbour, 1994.
Potting clay is spread to dry after being mined and brought to Dorbour by a potter, perhaps aided by her relatives. The clay includes a combination of plastic clay (chͻklͻlͻ in Nafaanra) and sandy clay (sisa in Nafaanra) which are mixed together at the place where the clay is mined. After drying, the clay will be pounded, sifted, mixed with water and kneaded until the clay is the right consistency. A potter only mixes as much clay as she needs to make a batch of pots (6-8). Children may help with the work of pounding and kneading the clay. In the background, houses made of atakpame (coursed earthen-walls) with thatched roofs are visible. Dorbour, 1994.
A potter's tools are laid out for view. Sitting on a well-worn clay-smeared grinding stone are two maize cobs (left; bledjukaan in Nafaanra), half of a seed pod from a tree (jenge in Nafaanra), and a spatula (unknown material). An enamel-ware pot holds several water-worn pebbles, several of which also sit in front of the grindstone. Pebbles (gbeliͻ in Nafaanra) are used to burnish the surface or make decorations on the pot's surface. In front of the grinding stone are two iron rings or "bracelets." The one with a wide flat side (gbooroo in Nafaanra) is used to scrape and thin the pot's walls after they have been allowed to dry. The other can be used to decorate pots. A small clay bowl holds water and a piece of cloth used to moisten and smooth the surface of the pot after it is formed. Dorbour, 1994.
Afua Donkor, a Nafana potter burnishes a dried but as-yet unfired clay pot on which she has applied a red slip (chuma in Nafaanra). She uses a strand of Baobab tree seeds (wasawasa in Nafaanra) to rub the slip, helping the color to adhere to the pot's surface and giving it a sheen. The slip is a thin solution made by mixing a red soil found on the Brawhani road with water. Some is contained in a small can sitting on the ground (left). Finished, unfired pots sit in the room behind the potter. Dorbour, 1994.
Afua Donkor, a Nafana potter, burnishes a dried but as-yet unfired clay pot on which she has applied a red slip (chuma in Nafaanra). She uses a strand of Baobab tree seeds (wasawasa in Nafaanra) to rub the slip, helping the color to adhere to the pot's surface and giving it a sheen. The base of the pot is left unslipped. Dorbour, 1994.
Varied sizes of clay jars are stacked in the corner of a room inside a house. The adjacent wall is decorated with enamel-ware lids and plates. Several metal cooking pots and a wooden paddle used to stir food sit around the clay pots. Jneni, 1994.
Yakosua, a Nafana potter, mixes sifted potting clay with water in preparation for making a batch of clay pots. One large metal pot (left) contains the pounded, sifted clay and the other (right) contains water that she mixes with the clay. She mixes the two in a headpan, kneading the clay to achieve the right consistency for making pots. Dorbour, 1994.
Rights:
Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial
Publisher:
University of Victoria Libraries
Location(s) Facet:
Dorbour
Subjects:
Women's work; Metal pots; Clay; Dorbour; Headpans; Potting
A potter handles a lump of clay that she will use to make a clay pot. Other lumps, each of which will be used to make a pot, are stacked on a metal tray awaiting use. Dorbour, 1994.
After drying, potting clay is stored in potters' houses until needed. When the potter is ready to make a batch of clay pots, she will first pound and then sift the clay. The sifted clay is then mixed with water and kneaded until it is the right consistency for making a pot. Dorbour, 1994
A woman in Dumboli spins cotton thread. She holds raw cotton fiber in her left hand. She has attached a strand of fiber to her spindle (gԑndԑ in Nafaanra), and she prepares to set it and the spindle whorl (gԑndԑ kaan in Nafaanra) which weights it in motion with her right hand. The whorl spins inside a small white vessel (possibly an animal skull or turtle shell) resting on a basket lid. The woman sits on a low stool. Various containers used in food preparation sit behind her. The basket on which she is spinning is used to store her equipment when not in use. Seeing women spinning in their homes would have been common before the second half of the 20th century. Archaeologists find spindle whorls in houses on sites dating to the later 18th and 19th centuries. In earlier times, however, it appears that thread was primarily made in market centers rather than in households. Two photos. Dumboli, 1994.
A woman in Bondakile spins cotton thread from raw fiber held in her left hand. She holds the raw cotton between her thumb and index finger, using her middle finger to provide tension as she stretches and thins the fibers using her right hand. The thread is wound thickly toward the base of the spindle (gԑndԑ in Nafaanra) above the spindle whorl (gԑndԑ kan in Nafaanra) which is barely visible at the base of the spindle. The woman uses (what appears to be) a turtle shell (carapace) as a surface on which to spin. She has stabilized the shell with a piece of folded cloth which sits on top of an enamel ware plate. A calabash and a plastic bucket site nearby. Spinning was a routine household activity done by women until commercially manufactured cloth became commonplace (second half of the 20th century). Two photos. Bondakile, 1994.
Rights:
Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial
Publisher:
University of Victoria Libraries
Location(s) Facet:
Bondakile
Subjects:
Plastic containers; Women's work ; Cotton thread; Techniques
Potters in Adadiem place bark over clay pots that have been stacked on top of a bed of firewood. The bonfire has been lit and the bark serves as additional fuel. More red-slipped clay pots sit behind, waiting for the next firing. One woman carries a child on her back. The bonfire will burn for between 30 minutes and an hour, after which the pots will be ready for use or sale. Abena Donkor (far right) assists while Solomon Kojo, young boy in brown shorts, looks on. Two photos. Adadiem, 1994.
Afua Donkor, a Nafana potter, selects and places fuel as she prepares to fire clay soup pots (chiin sinyjͻlͻ in Nafaanra) that have been slipped red. Other clay pots sit nearby awaiting firing, some in a headpan. The pots are carefully stacked on top of the wood and additional fuel placed on top. Additional firewood is stacked behind and in front lays the bark that she will use to cover the clay pots before lighting the bonefire. Once lit, the bonfire will burn for between 30 and 60 minutes, after which the fired pottery will be hardened, useable and ready for sale. Two photos. Dorbour, 1994.
Hearths in a Dorbour household. One of three visible hearths is in use, a metal cooking pot suspended over a fire fueled by firewood. A wooden mortar and several pestles are at ready in the background. In the foreground (right) a clay cooking pot rests on top of a metal basin that has been re-purposed as a pot stand. A large metal pot, a calabash bowl (chrԑgbͻͻ in Nafaanra) and a plastic cup sit behind the clay pot. Dorbour, 1994.
A courtyard hearth in a Dorbour household. The hearth "stones" are clay pots turned upside down and embedded in the ground. A pottery cooking jar rests on the hearth, the firewood pulled away from the hearth while it is not in use. A metal cooking pot and headpan have caught the interest of a foraging goat. Dorbour, 1994.
Kitchen area of a household in Dorbour. Several hearths are clustered in the center of the open courtyard surrounded by low wooden stools. Several wooden mortars of varying sizes and a number of pestles are clustered along a porch. Pottery and metal pots used in cooking are near the hearth. A goat forages for food amid the hearths. Large vessels to the far left store liquid (water, or possibly pito, locally made beer). The courtyard is surrounded by thatch- and metal-roofed rooms. Dorbour, 1994.
Archaeological excavations focused on a collapsed house mound are in progress at Makala Kataa "Station 10." Archaeologists have left "balk" walls between 2 x 2 meter units as a way to study the mound's stratigraphy. Headpans for carrying excavated soil to nearby screens for sieving sit beside the excavation units. Scattered around the sides of the units are short-handled hoes which the excavation team uses to carefully scrape the soil as they dig. Graduate students Maria Dores Cruz and Leith Smith direct the excavation team while Tolԑԑ Kofi Dwuru III (Nana Millah), visiting the site from Ahenkro, stands to the right in black cloth. Makala Kataa, July 1994.
Yaa Tenabrԑ, a Nafana potter, stands as she begins to pull a clay lump upwards and outwards, using a draw-and-drag (direct pull) technique to form the walls of a clay pot. The clay rests on a metal plate (kpankpa in Nafaanra) supported by a wooden stump. She moves clockwise around the stump, using her left hand to draw clay up from the center of the lump and her right hand to shape and thin what will become the walls of the pot. As she pulls and smooths the clay, she forms the upper body and rim of the pot. The finger marks visible at this stage of the pot's forming show the direction in which she pulls the clay as she works. These marks will be smoothed away as she continues to form the pot. She uses a maize cob (bedjukaan in Nafaanra) as a tool to shape and smooth the pot's walls. She uses a spatula-like tool to thin and further smooth the surface. When she is finished forming the body and rim, she will set the clay jar aside to dry on the wooden pallet on which it rests. Once dry, she will add a rounded base to the pot. Five photos. Dorbour, 1994.
Ama Donkor, a Nafana potter, sits as she uses moist clay to form the base of a soup pot (chiin sinyjͻlͻ in Nafaanra). She is adding the base to a body and rim that she made the day before and set aside to dry. The clay pot rests on a metal plate that she can turn as she works (kpankpa in Nafaanra). She adds small lumps of clay as she gradually builds the rounded base of the pot. Three photos. Dorbour, 1994.
Newly grated and guttered road leading northward from Ahenkro toward Bongase viewed from the north edge of Ahenkro. The Banda hills are visible in the background. July, 1994
By 1994, work on the 4th Republic Road (as it was then known) extended the grated motorable road from Kanka to Nyire. View to the west on the approach to Kanka, Banda mountain range visible in the distance. July, 1994.
Members of the 1994 archaeological excavation team at Makala Kataa. Team members included a National Service and a staff member from the Ghana National Museum, American graduate students and Banda men from Ahenkro and Makala. Back row (L-R): Kwame Bio, Samuel Babatu, __, Kwame Anane, Donkor Johnson, Timothy Fordjour, Daniel Mensah, __, Yaw Francis, __, __, Kwadwo Manu. Middle row (L-R): __, Kwame Abrifa, Kwasi Peter, Amos Bediako, Kwabena Mensah, Kofi "Photo" Manu, Yaw Frimpong, Alex Ababio. Front row (L-R): Caesar Apentiik, Ann Stahl, Maria Dores Cruz, Obour Bartholomew, Kwasi Ali, Obimpeh Blorpor, Leith Smith, Victor Mattey, Osei Kofi, Brian Thomas. Also pictured are Frank Osei Kofi, Seth Tahara, Kwame Menka, Kwame Okyei, and Thomas Bio. Makala Kataa, July, 1994.
The road to Bui Village was a rough track that ran west and north out of Bui Camp, headquarters of the Bui National Park. Bui Village is visible in the foreground of the mountain. The mountain lies to the north of the Black Volta River and formed part of the ridge used to construct the Bui Dam. The people of Bui Village were relocated beginning in 2010 and their former home flooded as Bui lake formed behind Bui Dam after 2013.
A new road (the "4th Republic Road") connecting Kanka directly to Ahenkro and bypassing Kabruno was built in about 1993. The newly grated road is seen here from the north side of Kanka, looking northward toward Ahenkro, visible in the distance. June, 1994.
By 1994, work on the 4th Republic Road (as it was then known) extended the grated motorable road from Kanka to Nyire. Westward view mid-way between Nyire and Kanka, June, 1994.
A Makala elder pours libations at the site of Makala Kataa to open work on a Friday. He is accompanied by two members of the 1994 Banda Research Project excavation team, both from Makala. L-R: __, __, __. Makala Kataa, 1994.